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Rush Limbaugh


47of74

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39 minutes ago, 47of74 said:

Hmmmm....good question.

 

I have seen 3 in my neighborhood.  I'm not joking.  May he rot in Hell.

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His death joins the list of things that won't bother me today.  If there is an afterlife, I would expect there to be no peace available for him.

From his Wikipedia entry:

"Limbaugh, a cigar and former cigarette smoker,[271] was diagnosed with advanced lung cancer on January 20, 2020, after first experiencing shortness of breath on January 12.[272] He announced the diagnosis on air during his radio show on February 3; conceding that he would miss airtime to undergo treatment, he stated that he planned to continue the program "as normally and competently" as he could while undergoing treatment.[273] On October 20, 2020, Limbaugh announced that attempts to treat the cancer were no longer containing the cancer, that his diagnosis was terminal and that he had been given a time frame on when he should expect to die.[274] In his final broadcast of 2020, he said "I wasn't expected to make it to October, and then to November, and then to December. And yet, here I am, and today, got some problems, but I'm feeling pretty good today." Limbaugh died on February 17, 2021 at the age of 70.[275] In 2015, he questioned the link between smoking and cancer deaths, arguing that smokers aren't at any greater risk than people who "eat carrots."[276][277]"

I imagine him in a closed room filled with suffocating spiritual smoke now.

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His grave will  become what they fear.  A gender neutral public toilet.

Edited by Don'tlikekoolaid
Words
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I've seen several tweets to that effect, or ones that said live in a manner that rest in piss doesn't trend on twitter the day you pass.

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5 hours ago, Maggie Mae said:

If only there was an after life for his soul to never rest and never be at piece. People who spend decades (I remember Rush being on the radio when I was a child) peddling lies, hate, and snapple should not be remembered fondly. 

When one of the local AM stations brought that guy on my mom was none too happy about it and she even wrote in to the station to complain.  She had no use for Rush even back in the 90s when the station first brought him on.  She used to listen to the station all afternoon whether at home or out and about.  That ended once they started playing three hours of him on a daily basis.  

 

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6 hours ago, Jinder Roles said:

I hope he gets reincarnated as a cockroach. 
 

Fuck him. 

He was already a cockroach in this life

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Had to run in town to pick up prescriptions so of course I had to make a request of Siri to play a certain song. 

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Another good thing about him staying past the end of the former guy’s time in office is that he won’t get the taxpayer funded state funeral the former guy probably would’ve insisted on for him.  Knowing former guy he would’ve tried to have the unlamented radio idiot lying in state in the rotunda. 

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25 minutes ago, SPHASH said:

Remember Sandra Fluke:

 

I'm considering whether to burn up one of my 5 remaining letters to the editor to the local paper either on the dumb fuckery that the GOP is doing in the Iowa Legislature or on saving it for the first time someone writes in spouting off about how wonderful that radio idiot was. 

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"Opinion: From Limbaugh to Trump: A historian of the right wing explains Rush’s real legacy"

Quote

Rush Limbaugh, the pioneer of conservative talk radio, passed away on Wednesday morning of lung cancer at 70 years old. It’s hard to overstate the enormity of the impact that Limbaugh had on the course of the conservative movement and our politics.

Indeed, in many ways, it’s hard to envision the Trump era unfolding as it has without Limbaugh’s influence. Trump himself understood this very well: After Limbaugh announced his illness in February of 2020, Trump awarded him the Presidential Medal of Freedom, declaring: “He is the greatest fighter that you will ever meet.”

To understand Limbaugh’s true legacy, I talked to Rick Perlstein, the author of a series of books about modern conservatism. An edited and condensed version of our conversation follows.

Greg Sargent: Where do you situate Rush Limbaugh in the history of the modern conservative movement?

Rick Perlstein: Enormously influential. Enormously efficacious. Beginning in 1989, I was listening to Limbaugh when he was just starting as a national figure. I watched his evolution.

What was evident to me right away was his ability to give people a sense that they were part of a community, part of a movement. In the case of politically alienated reactionary white males, they had an ally who would watch their back.

Sargent: Why was this very large white male reactionary audience out there looking for someone to speak to their anger?

Perlstein: It’s the basic story I tell in my books, starting with “Nixonland”: The rise of reactionary populism. People accustomed to being on top — culturally, socially, economically — were facing an onslaught of liberation movements that were all about giving other people a fair shot at the pie.

This is the guy offering a supposedly forbidden discourse, against the tide, to guys who wanted to drive giant cars and smoke cigars and maybe pat a fanny here and there.

Sargent: Limbaugh is part of the third generation of the “New Right.” The first generation is the reaction to Eisenhower and the battle over McCarthy. The second is the rise of Goldwater and into the 1970s. We tend to associate Limbaugh with the third wave — the 1980s into the 1990s.

Perlstein: Goldwater loses because he’s offering pure ideological nostrums — weakening unions and getting rid of the Tennessee Valley Authority. It’s not an ideology — as was seen in the results in 1964 — to build a majority.

The brilliance of the Nixonian new right of the 1970s was that they were able to prospect for grievances on the ground that came out of reaction to the insurgent movements of the 1960s — civil rights, abortion, gay rights.

That was a very psychologically based politics, in which you find the things that make people most angry, and you lead with that. You are actively creating this idea that the people in power are forcing things on you that are taking away your prerogatives, that are weakening your family.

Limbaugh inherited that 1970s mentality on the right: There’s nothing he would say that was abstract or intellectual in any way. It was all extremely visceral: There was this transcendent evil behind the scenes that wanted to destroy you.

It just shows the viciousness of this person, and how badly he deranged our public life: People were literally being taught that nothing liberals could do, nothing Democrats could do, could be anything but a diabolical conspiracy to destroy them.

Sargent: People who came of age during the Obama years, and are shocked by today’s right, don’t know how bad the right could be in the 1990s. The Clintons were constantly accused of murder. You had the right-wing militia movement that culminated in the Oklahoma City bombing.

Perlstein: In the 1990s, not only was Rush Limbaugh contributing his own viciousness; he created a whole media ecology.

Yes, you had Limbaugh saying 12-year-old Chelsea Clinton was indistinguishable from her dog, and that Bill Clinton was a murderer. But you also had G. Gordon Liddy saying that if you run into an ATF agent, you should shoot them in the head, because they’d be wearing body armor.

I wasn’t surprised by Oklahoma City, because the talk about government bureaucrats was so eliminationist and so murderous that why wouldn’t someone want to be a patriot and murder them in cold blood?

Sargent: In a lot of ways we’re living in the Gingrich era, in the sense that Gingrich turned politics into nationalized scorched earth war.

Perlstein: When you talk about nationalized politics, we’re really talking about nationalizing the southern politics of the Civil Rights era, where this kind of conspiracy theorizing, this kind of violence, was common.

People like Limbaugh and Gingrich helped institutionalize it in, say, Wisconsin, as opposed to just the south.

Sargent: In a way it’s a latter day version of Nixon reaching northern blue collar whites, only much more visceral and more angry.

Perlstein: Although it wasn’t really blue collar people who were Rush’s core: It was the petty bourgeoisie, the Joe the Plumbers, the guys with their own bathroom fixture businesses, the middle managers.

I don’t think Rush was a working class hero. He wasn’t quite like George Wallace in that way.

Sargent: We’re now in this big debate over the insurrectionist storming of the Capitol, and we’re discovering that there’s a real component of educated and better off reactionary people involved.

Perlstein: That’s right.

Sargent: You can see the tensions that Rush was unleashing in John McCain’s choice of Sarah Palin. McCain denounced the person who called Obama a secret Muslim. But at the same time he picked a vice-presidential candidate who was kind of a direct outgrowth of the Limbaugh style.

Perlstein: And the establishment dipping their toe into this because they saw what the Limbaugh power could deliver them. So you did get people like Mitt Romney saying, "No one ever asked to see my birth certificate.”

That was the paragon of the establishment saying: I cannot win in this party without sounding like Limbaugh, or what we’d later associate with Donald Trump.

Sargent: Limbaugh himself picked up the birtherism. Can you talk about how that showed his continued poisoning of conservative politics?

Perlstein: It gets to his whole rhetorical mode of being, which is this idea that there’s this phalanx of people on the quote-unquote “other side” who will stoop to any depth of wickedness to dominate you: Here’s this guy who’s not even American who wants to dominate you.

He would put poison into the national bloodstream, and then basically say, “Can’t you take a joke?”

Sargent: The treatment of the opposition as the enemy manifests itself pretty neatly in the Trump years, doesn’t it? And ultimately in Marjorie Taylor Greene and the storming of the Capitol.

Perlstein: The thing about the QAnon phenomenon is that what the Democratic Party actually is — pluralist, timid, rather centrist — makes it hard to portray them as evil unless you make up something. The fact that QAon made up this idea that they’re literal cannibals is so telling of the weakness of the material they have.

Limbaugh primed the audience for that kind of fiction about Democrats.

Sargent: How responsible for the Trump presidency, the disasters that flowed from it, and the effort to violently overturn U.S. democracy is Rush Limbaugh?

Perlstein: Very responsible. Extremely responsible.

 

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Sandra Fluke has a lot more class than I ever will. 

 

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My oldest brother tried to get me into him when I was 14.  My brother told me the following, "he tells white people the truth that you need to hear and liberals don't want you to hear".  I disliked that arrogant fucker from the first time that I heard him. 

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And now I got this song rattling around in my head again....

 

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19 hours ago, AmazonGrace said:

He seems nice.

Yeah not really.

This montage made me physically ill. People of this ilk and those who support such were the gateway to Trump’s version of America, the world and life. ?

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A douche cannon til the end. 

Quote

Conservative talk radio pioneer Rush Limbaugh, who died Wednesday after a year-long battle with cancer, took a dig at President Biden in his final Facebook post two weeks before his death.

“Biden canceled ‘a major foreign policy speech,’ folks, over two inches of snow. I kid you not,” Limbaugh wrote late on Feb. 2.

He added a link to a story on his website titled, “Biden Sees His Shadow, Cancels Major Speech.”

A day earlier, the president pulled the plug on a trip to the State Department, where he had been scheduled to deliver his first major foreign policy speech as commander-in-chief, citing the couple of inches of snow that fell in DC that weekend.

Now if the former guy had canceled got that reason Limpy would have been praising him.  Or if President Biden had forged ahead Limpy would have criticized him for that. 

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