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The War On Abortion And Women's Rights


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Texas doctor protests abortion law by admitting he carried out procedure

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Protesting a Texas law which outlaws abortion after six weeks of pregnancy and empowers citizens to sue providers and anyone who helps them, a San Antonio doctor said he had provided an abortion beyond the new legal limit.

“I am taking a personal risk,” Alan Braid wrote for the Washington Post. “But it’s something I believe in strongly.

“… I have daughters, granddaughters and nieces. I believe abortion is an essential part of healthcare. I have spent the last 50 years treating and helping patients. I can’t just sit back and watch us return to 1972.”

That was the year before Roe v Wade, the supreme court ruling which guaranteed abortion rights.

The court is now dominated by conservatives, after Republicans installed three justices under Donald Trump. Using an emergency “shadow docket” ruling, the court allowed the Texas law to stand. Many observers expect it to fully overturn Roe in another case, from Mississippi.

Saturday was the one-year anniversary of the death of the liberal justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a key moment in the abortion battle. Ginsburg was succeeded by Amy Coney Barrett, a devout Catholic.

Marking the anniversary, Cecile Richards, a former head of Planned Parenthood, told the Associated Press: “We are in a post-Roe world … all it takes is a Republican governor and a Republican legislature. Your state could be exactly the same.”

Braid said he began work in Texas in a pre-Roe world, starting a residency in obstetrics and gynecology at a hospital in San Antonio in July 1972.

“At the time, abortion was effectively illegal in Texas – unless a psychologist certified a woman was suicidal. If the woman had money, we’d refer her to clinics in Colorado, California or New York. The rest were on their own. Some traveled across the border to Mexico.”

That year, he said, he saw “three teenagers die from illegal abortions”.

“One I will never forget. When she came into the ER, her vaginal cavity was packed with rags. She died a few days later from massive organ failure, caused by a septic infection.”

The Texas law, SB8, went into effect this month. Braid said his clinics are represented by the Center for Reproductive Rights in a federal lawsuit seeking to stop the law.

Braid said women who come to his clinic often say why they need an abortion.

“They’re finishing school or they already have three children, they’re in an abusive relationship, or it’s just not time. A majority are mothers. Most are between 18 and 30. Many are struggling financially.”

An architect of the Texas bill, former state solicitor general Jonathan Mitchell, has said women who want to avoid unwanted pregnancy can simply say no to sex.

Braid wrote: “Several times a month, a woman confides that she is having the abortion because she has been raped. Sometimes, she reports it to the police; more often, she doesn’t.

“Texas’s new law makes no exception for rape or incest.”

Describing how women must again be referred out of state, Braid wrote: “For me, it’s 1972 all over again.

“And that is why, on the morning of 6 September, I provided an abortion to a woman who, though still in her first trimester, was beyond the state’s new limit. I acted because I had a duty of care to this patient, as I do for all patients, and because she has a fundamental right to receive this care.”

 

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This is so wonderful that a doctor said this. I’ve mentioned this before. Years ago I was watching a documentary about Doctor’s who perform abortions. One guy said he vowed to perform them legally because when he was an intern at a hospital he saw so many women who tried to perform an at home abortion. 

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On 9/19/2021 at 2:08 PM, Cartmann99 said:

He's been sued: "Texas doctor who violated state’s abortion ban is sued, launching potential first test of constitutionality"

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A lawsuit that could test the constitutionality of the nation’s most restrictive abortion ban was filed in Texas Monday against a doctor who admitted to performing an abortion considered illegal under the new law.

The details of the civil suit against Alan Braid, a physician in San Antonio, are as unusual as the law itself, which empowers private citizens to enforce the ban on abortion once cardiac activity has been detected — often as early as six weeks into pregnancy.

Braid stepped forward last week to say that he provided an abortion to a woman who was in the early stages of pregnancy, but beyond the state’s limit. Despite the risks, Braid said he acted because of his duty as a doctor and “because she has a fundamental right to receive this care.”

“I fully understood that there could be legal consequences — but I wanted to make sure that Texas didn’t get away with its bid to prevent this blatantly unconstitutional law from being tested,” he wrote in a column in The Washington Post.

On Monday, an Arkansas man said he decided to file a lawsuit to test the constitutionality of the Texas measure after reading a news report about Braid’s declaration. Oscar Stilley, a former lawyer convicted of tax fraud in 2010, said he is not personally opposed to abortion, but believes that the measure should be subject to judicial review.

“If the law is no good, why should we have to go through a long, drawn-out process to find out if it’s garbage?” Stilley said in an interview after filing the complaint in state court in Bexar County, Tex., which includes San Antonio.

He also noted that a successful lawsuit could result in an award in court of at least $10,000 for the plaintiff.

“If the state of Texas decided it’s going to give a $10,000 bounty, why shouldn’t I get that 10,000 bounty?” said Stilley, who is currently serving his 15-year federal sentence on home confinement.

That the first legal challenge to the Texas law came from a convicted felon in Arkansas was somewhat surprising. The antiabortion group Texas Right to Life has been gatheringanonymous tips about potential violations, but had not yet filed a lawsuit — in part because abortion providers and clinics said they were complying with the law. The group has also been temporarily barred by state court decisions from suing certain providers in parts of the state.

Braid, whose clinics are represented by the Center for Reproductive Rights, declined to comment through the legal organization.

“S.B. 8 says that ‘any person’ can sue over a violation, and we are starting to see that happen, including by out-of-state claimants,” Marc Hearron, the group’s senior counsel, said in a statement.

The Texas law took effect Sept. 1 and was designed to avoid judicial scrutiny by barring state officials, who would typically be the target of lawsuits, from enforcing the ban.

Instead, private citizens are charged with enforcing the ban by filing civil lawsuits against anyone who helps a woman get an abortion.

Abortion providers sued to try to stop the law, saying it is at odds with the Supreme Court’s landmark Roe v. Wade decision guaranteeing a right to abortion before viability, usually around 22 to 24 weeks into pregnancy.

But the high court allowed the measure to stand while litigation continues.

In a 5-4 order, the court’s conservative majority said that initial legal challenge raised “serious questions” about the constitutionality of the law. But the justices said opponents, who sued state judges and court clerks, had not clearly shown that their lawsuit targeted the right people because government officials cannot enforce the law.

Separately, the Biden administration sued the state of Texas this month to block the law. A judge in Austin has set a hearing in that case for Oct. 1.

Until Braid’s public admission, abortion clinics in Texas said they were abiding by the new restrictions and sending women to Oklahoma, Kansas and New Mexico to terminate their pregnancies. The law bars abortion at a time when many women do not yet realize they are pregnant. There are no exceptions in the law for rape, sexual abuse or incest.

Braid, who owns Alamo Women’s Reproductive Services, said in his column that since the law took effect, he has discussed with patients how they might access abortion services in another state.

He advised one woman, who is 42 with four children, to travel to Oklahoma — a nine-hour drive one way — and offered to help with funding.

“She told me she couldn’t go even if we flew her in a private jet,” he wrote. “‘Who’s going to take care of my kids?’ she asked me. ‘What about my job? I can’t miss work.’ ”

This is a developing story. It will be updated.

 

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An op-ed by Uma Thurman: "Uma Thurman: The Texas abortion law is a human rights crisis for American women"

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I have followed the course of Texas’s radical antiabortion law with great sadness, and something akin to horror. Now, in the hope of drawing the flames of controversy away from the vulnerable women on whom this law will have an immediate effect, I am sharing my own experience. You might not be interested in the opinions of an actress, but given this new outrage, I feel it is my responsibility to stand up in their shoes.

I started my acting career at 15, working in an environment where I was often the only kid in the room. In my late teens, I was accidentally impregnated by a much older man. I was living out of a suitcase in Europe, far from my family, and about to start a job. I struggled to figure out what to do. I wanted to keep the baby, but how?

I telephoned home. My mother was gravely ill in the hospital. My father went to her bedside to discuss my options. We had never spoken about sex before; this was the first time, and it was terrible for all of us. They asked me about the status of my relationship — it was not viable — and warned me how difficult it would be to raise a baby as a teen on my own. My childish fantasy of motherhood was soundly corrected as I weighed answers to their very precise questions. I was just starting out in my career and didn’t have the means to provide a stable home, even for myself. We decided as a family that I couldn’t go through with the pregnancy, and agreed that termination was the right choice. My heart was broken nonetheless.

An older female friend in Germany offered to help me. In her doctor’s office in Cologne, I was given a local anesthetic and had an abortion. I lay awake on the table while the doctor, who was a kind man, explained every step of the process as it happened. It hurt terribly, but I didn’t complain. I had internalized so much shame that I felt I deserved the pain.

My fingers were tightly locked across my chest, and when the procedure was done the doctor looked down at me said, “You have beautiful hands — you remind me of my daughter.” That single gesture of humanity is seared in my mind as one of the most compassionate moments I have ever experienced. In his eyes, I was a person, I was a daughter, I was still a girl.

There is so much pain in this story. It has been my darkest secret until now. I am 51 years old, and I am sharing it with you from the home where I have raised my three children, who are my pride and joy. My life has been extraordinary, at times filled with heartbreak, challenge, loss and fear — just like so many women’s lives — but also marked, like theirs, by courage and compassion. I conceived my beautiful, magical children with men whom I loved and trusted enough to dare to bring a child into this world. I have no regrets for the path I have traveled. I applaud and support women who make a different choice. The abortion I had as a teenager was the hardest decision of my life, one that caused me anguish then and that saddens me even now, but it was the path to the life full of joy and love that I have experienced. Choosing not to keep that early pregnancy allowed me to grow up and become the mother I wanted and needed to be.

I have nothing to gain from this disclosure, and perhaps much to lose. In revealing the hole that this decision carved in me, I hope that some light will shine through, reaching women and girls who might feel a shame that they can’t protect themselves from and have no agency over. I can assure you that no one finds herself on that table on purpose.

The Texas abortion law was allowed to take effect without argument by the Supreme Court, which, due in no small part to its lack of ideological diversity, is a staging ground for a human rights crisis for American women. This law is yet another discriminatory tool against those who are economically disadvantaged, and often, indeed, against their partners. Women and children of wealthy families retain all the choices in the world, and face little risk.

I am grief-stricken, as well, that the law pits citizen against citizen, creating new vigilantes who will prey on these disadvantaged women, denying them the choice not to have children they are not equipped to care for, or extinguishing their hopes for the future family they might choose.

To all of you — to women and girls of Texas, afraid of being traumatized and hounded by predatory bounty hunters; to all women outraged by having our bodies’ rights taken by the state; and to all of you who are made vulnerable and subjected to shame because you have a uterus — I say: I see you. Have courage. You are beautiful. You remind me of my daughters.

 

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31 minutes ago, Cartmann99 said:

:angry-cussingblack:

Grasping at straws is never a good defence.

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1 hour ago, Cartmann99 said:

:angry-cussingblack:

Wait, isn't that basically the same as saying a mass shooting boosted the economy for local funeral homes? Or that Covid boosted income for hand sanitizer manufacturers? That's not something to brag about!

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Just think Kenny that's money that's not being spent in Texas. those are women who some of them are foregoing rent or utility payments and others are cutting down on the amount of groceries they buy or their purchase of other items so they can leave the state and have an abortion. That's money that's not going into the Texas tax base.

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Just walked in from my local rally. There were several hundred people there. Did anyone else go to one?

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20 hours ago, Destiny said:

Just walked in from my local rally. There were several hundred people there. Did anyone else go to one?

I did, in FL. A few hundred people for sure! It was my first rally/march, and I'm glad I can tell any potential future spawn that I stood up for reproductive rights.

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5 hours ago, front hugs > duggs said:

I did, in FL. A few hundred people for sure! It was my first rally/march, and I'm glad I can tell any potential future spawn that I stood up for reproductive rights.

I’m too old for reproducing at this point, but otherwise, AGREE. I’m also kind of glad that my grandmother isn’t alive to see this. She was one of the people who taught me what feminism was, and I can’t imagine her being pleased that stuff she fought for is up for debate AGAIN.

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On 10/2/2021 at 3:08 PM, Destiny said:

Just walked in from my local rally. There were several hundred people there. Did anyone else go to one?

I marched in Chicago. Good turnout here. Variety of ages, races, ethnicities. Women, men and children. Illinois has strong pro-choice laws/policies and we need to keep it that way.

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Texas is one step closer to appealing with the SC. (Fifth appellate court first).

 

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"...this Court will not sanction one more day of this offensive deprivation of such an important right."

I think the judge's very specific language is very important going forward.  I suspect is was chosen to make it harder for the SC to overturn Roe v Wade. 

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  • 3 weeks later...

Long Before the Near-Total Ban, Texas Was Home to the Most ‘Abortion Deserts’ in the U.S.

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When Kristen Holcomb faced an unplanned pregnancy in 2017, she felt isolated, scared and confused. The anxiety didn’t stem from grappling with whether to terminate her pregnancy – she was resolute in her decision to do so. Rather, it came from how she could access abortion care. Lubbock, the West Texas city in which she lived, wasn’t home to an abortion provider. In fact, the entirety of West Texas and the Panhandle – a large swath of the state – had no abortion clinic. 

Following the passage of Texas House Bill 2 (HB 2), a 2013 multi-part state law that forced clinics to comply with medically unnecessary and costly regulations, the sole abortion clinic in Lubbock, a Planned Parenthood health care center, closed its doors. It wasn’t alone – half of the state’s abortion clinics also shut down after the so-called TRAP (Targeted Regulation of Abortion Provider) law took effect, slicing the number of clinics from about 40 to fewer than 20 for the state’s 5.4 million reproductive-age women, adding substantial driving distance to the nearest clinic. 

Even after the U.S. Supreme Court struck down part of the law in its historic Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt ruling in 2016, finding it overly burdensome, the clinic remained shuttered for years, as did most others that closed as a result of the law. Limited mostly to metropolitan areas like Houston, Austin, Dallas and San Antonio, abortion services were absent from 96% of Texas counties. 

 

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I'm surprised they aren't handing out chastity belts. "This Texas clinic stopped performing abortions, but the antiabortion activists haven’t left"

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SAN ANTONIO — Seven weeks had passed since Texas enacted the most restrictive abortion law in the country. Doctors no longer could legally perform the procedure on patients who had been pregnant more than six weeks, and the Planned Parenthood on Babcock Road had stopped offering abortions entirely. It was the kind of victory that antiabortion activists had long dreamed of, and yet, Cathy Nix was not satisfied.

By late October, the parking lot she spent her days outside was less busy than it used to be, but it wasn’t empty. Nix held a clipboard close to her face and wrote notes about the cars that remained. A silver Hyundai pulled in at noon. A white Subaru arrived 20 minutes later. Nix offered both drivers a gift bag filled with fingernail polish, paraben-free shampoo and brochures referring them to pregnancy centers, antiabortion facilities that try to dissuade women from terminating their pregnancies, but neither driver accepted one.

At 12:24 p.m., a white Toyota SUV slipped into a parking spot near the building. A woman stepped out, and Nix greeted her in a loud but genial tone.

“Hi, can I offer you any help?” she asked. “Free pregnancy tests or ultrasounds? We’re here to help you.”

The woman didn’t turn her head, but Nix appeared unfazed. The work she described as “a calling” wasn’t easy. Nix wasn’t allowed on the Planned Parenthood parking lot, and a stone-and-metal fence divides the public sidewalk from the clinic’s property. The fence is lined with yucca and other spiny plants, and every time Nix approached the barrier, she had to step into a bed of prickly fronds.

“If you need help, let me know, okay?” she called as the woman opened the clinic door. “God bless you, sweetie.”

Historically, the fight over abortion has been waged on sidewalks like this one. That’s still happening in Texas, even after state Senate Bill 8 effectively prohibited most abortions. On Monday, the Supreme Court will hear arguments on whether to leave the law in place. In December, the court will hear a case from Mississippi that could overturn Roe v. Wade entirely. Antiabortion activists are optimistic — the court is the most conservative it has been in generations — but for Nix and her cadre of young interns who spend their weekdays outside this San Antonio Planned Parenthood, no law or court ruling is victory enough.

“We get a lot of people who say, ‘Why are you even here if they’re not doing abortions?’” Nix said. “We want to help the women. That’s our main goal. It’s not only abortion. It’s about trying to change the culture of ‘this is the only place that can help you.’ We want to show them that there’s other resources for them. We’re trying to get them out of the abortion industry and into this culture of life.”

Not protesters

Nix is the director of the San Antonio Coalition for Life, a Catholic organization created 14 years ago. It is one of several groups that stand outside this Planned Parenthood. Members of some groups carry signs and megaphones. Others sit in red camping chairs and pray the rosary silently to themselves. A spokesperson for Planned Parenthood said neither the staffers nor the patients can differentiate one group from another, but Nix and the young people who accompany her as “sidewalk interns” don’t think of themselves as protesters. They’re “referral agents.”

The distinction means Nix’s group doesn’t carry graphic signs or use loudspeakers, even though the traffic on Babcock Road is noisy and persistent. Everything a person says sounds angry when amplified through a megaphone, Nix said, and using one would scare patients away.

Soon after the woman from the white SUV disappeared inside the clinic, Nix spotted a slight, dark-haired man leaving the building.

“That’s the abortionist,” Nix said.

She suspected the clinic might have started offering abortions again but wasn’t sure. People go to Planned Parenthood for a variety of reasons, and a physical therapy center rents the space on the ground floor. She wasn’t certain the man could hear her over the traffic, but Nix teaches voice lessons and knew how to project without sounding as if she were yelling. She stood on her tip toes and kicked her voice up an octave.

“God bless you, sir,” she called as the man turned toward the back of the building. “We’re praying for you!”

Soon after the man left, a teenager named Alejandra Dipp Gonzalez joined Nix. Dipp Gonzalez wore a blue safety vest, four friendship bracelets and a silver piece with cross charms dangling off her wrists.

Dipp Gonzalez is Catholic, and she’d learned at church that abortion was wrong, but she didn’t spend her time protesting it before the coronavirus pandemic. That changed when she stumbled across the San Antonio Coalition for Life’s Instagram page. She thought its rosary events seemed cool, and she liked that they connected women to outside resources. Still, she didn’t think she could join because she was an introvert who grew up speaking Spanish. Sometimes she stuttered when she used English. As the pandemic wore on, though, Dipp Gonzalez started watching YouTube debates between abortion rights and antiabortion activists, and she made up her mind: Abortion is murder. This spring, she called Nix and asked to join her.

The 18-year-old was nervous the first day. What if she stuttered? What if she said something so wrong that it actually encouraged a woman to have an abortion?

But four months in, Dipp Gonzalez had let go of those fears as she realized she had two advantages. Nix and many of the other antiabortion activists were White and middle-aged or older. But most of Planned Parenthood’s patients looked a lot like Dipp Gonzalez — young and Hispanic.

“Most of them are people our age,” she said, nodding to a young woman walking toward her car. “They’re from our schools. Knowing that there’s people on this side helping them makes them kind of open up. And then sometimes they come up to us and they’re like, ‘Oh, do you work for Planned Parenthood?’ And we go, ‘No, we’re a different organization.’ They confuse us because we don’t look like the conventional pro-life person.”

The patient opened her car door, and Dipp Gonzalez stepped between the yuccas to offer a free pregnancy test. The spiny plants scratched at her jeans. The first day Dipp Gonzalez worked, she’d stepped into the plants so often, she’d gone home with a rash across her thigh. She’d mostly learned to avoid the spikes since then, but she hadn’t yet figured out how to dodge the ants. San Antonio’s dirt was full of them, and they often crawled up her leg as she stood near the barrier talking to patients. She used her left foot to scratch at the ring of bites the ants had left along her right ankle earlier in the week.

The patient ducked into her car, then drove off, so Dipp Gonzalez sprinted to meet her at the exit. Nix took over calling out to patients. A young man parked a gray-and-black Mustang next to the fence, and Nix figured he was either there for physical therapy or an STD test, so she grabbed a different gift bag, one for men, and dangled it in the air.

“Excuse me, sir, this is a gift bag with information about getting a free STD test,” she said.

The man headed inside without taking one, but he returned a few minutes later and asked for a bag. Nix’s volunteers had packed trail mix, fingernail clippers and hand sanitizer inside. On the back, they’d listed the phone number for the Kind Clinic, a sexual wellness clinic seven miles east.

“You said free?” the man asked.

Nix nodded.

“Well, cool, thanks,” he said.

He left without going back into the clinic.

Nix said her group is most successful when patients learn that other places offer free versions of tests they would have to pay for at Planned Parenthood. Mara Posada, a spokeswoman for Planned Parenthood, declined to specify how much it charges for STD tests, but its clinics accept insurance and offer sliding-scale prices for patients without insurance. Posada said in an email that Nix’s group doesn’t understand how much it costs to run a comprehensive health-care operation without government support. In 2011, the Texas legislature cut the two-year budget for family planning from $111 million to $38 million in an effort to defund Planned Parenthood, and earlier this year, a judge ruled that Texas could bar patients from using Medicaid at Planned Parenthood, even if they are receiving non-abortion care.

As the state has made those cuts, it has invested increasingly larger sums of money in a program it calls Alternatives to Abortion. The Texas legislature created it in 2005 using $5 million pulled from the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families fund. Every year, the state has increased its contribution. In 2021, it has budgeted $100 million for the program. The money goes to nonprofit organizations that provide a variety of services, but much of it is set aside for pregnancy centers. (Nix’s group is a go-between, not a service provider, and does not qualify to receive state funding.)

‘This is my job.’

The woman in the car didn’t want a gift bag, but Dipp Gonzalez was still smiling when she returned to the fence. Both the sidewalk and the parking lot went quiet for a while. Around 2 p.m., a driver honked, then rolled down his window and yelled, “Get a job.”

Dipp Gonzalez waved.

“This is my job,” she said.

The San Antonio Coalition for Life pays interns $10 an hour to stand outside Planned Parenthood. Dipp Gonzalez usually works 15 hours a week and spends most of the $150 she earns on classes at the University of Texas at San Antonio, where she’s a freshman majoring in civil engineering.

The car disappeared down the street, and Dipp Gonzalez shrugged, then looked back at the empty lot.

After S.B. 8 took effect, three of the seven Planned Parenthood clinics in Texas stopped offering abortions. Jeffrey Hons, the president and chief executive of Planned Parenthood South Texas, which oversees six centers in San Antonio, said he decided to temporarily stop providing abortions because he wanted to see how the law might play out. Last year, the South Texas clinics saw nearly 25,000 patients, most seeking non-abortion services such as Pap smears or birth control. Hons worried that a lawsuit might jeopardize those other services.

“We have people all around us who would like nothing more than to see us make a mistake,” he said.

So far, the only provider who has been sued is Alan Braid, a physician who provides abortions and practices down the street, and who announced that he had broken the law.

Hons recently decided to resume offering the procedure to women under the legal limit. The caseload has remained light, Hons said, because many women don’t know that they’re pregnant at six weeks.

“Very, very few people are actually going to get abortion care,” Hons said.

On the sidewalk, Nix fanned herself with a brochure as the afternoon heated up to a humid 81 degrees. An hour went by, and only a few cars pulled in. Nix and Dipp Gonzalez had learned to distinguish the regulars from the patients in crisis. When Nix spotted a woman she’d seen leaving around noon every day, Nix moved toward the fence. The woman was probably an employee.

“I hope you had a great lunch,” Nix said. “Abortionworker.com. God bless you today!”

Nix bellowed out that Web address several times a day. It’s a site that encourages people who work at Planned Parenthood or other clinics to leave their jobs “and rediscover the peace and joy they’ve been missing.”

Nix waved at the woman she thought was a clinic employee, but the woman pressed forward.

Eventually, protesters from other groups arrived. A woman driving a car with a “Jesus fish” decal stopped to ask how she could volunteer. Her four children were grown, she explained, and she was ready to “do something good.”

“Not that I haven’t been doing good raising four kids,” she said.

Later, a car slowed, and a woman leaned out the passenger-side window and screamed something unintelligible.

“When they start yelling, 99 percent of the time, they’re going to tell you that they had an abortion,” Nix said. “Because we know there’s hurt, we’re not going to yell back at them. We haven’t walked a mile in their moccasins. We don’t know where she’s coming from or what happened to her, so all we want to do is be peaceful with her.”

As Nix turned back to her clipboard, a young Latin woman edged up to the fence and waved over Dipp Gonzalez.

“Do you have any information about Plan B?” the young woman asked.

“I sure do,” Dipp Gonzalez said. She pulled a brochure out of her left breast pocket, then handed it over the fence. The young woman turned the brochure over in her hands. The front was nondescript — it said “Morning After Pill” — but the back described what it called “the beginning of a human being.”

“Some people think of this small human being as just a lump of cells and not a person,” it read. “We must remember, though, what the baby is, not what he or she looks like. Many people look different than we expect them to, but we still would say they are human beings. This is true with an unborn baby, too. It does not matter what the newly fertilized egg looks like; it matters what it is. What is it? It is a human being waiting to grow up and be born.”

The woman said thank you. She took the brochure, then she drove away. Dipp Gonzalez’s shift was almost over, so she stood quiet for a while, watching as an elderly woman from a nearby Catholic church sprayed holy water on the yucca plants. When she’d finished, the woman looked up at Planned Parenthood, then sprayed one final stream of holy water, just in case.

 

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This is so true:

image.png.7e06d24f9c1a6c0452c7a74470ab2a7c.png

Abortion and birth control would also be included.

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On 10/30/2021 at 10:42 AM, GreyhoundFan said:

I'm surprised they aren't handing out chastity belts

I'm always surprised they aren't promoting contraception. You want to lower abortion rates? Best way to do it is through effective contraception.

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  • samurai_sarah changed the title to Will Roe vs Wade be overturned by SCOTUS?
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